The defection of British Conservative MP Alan Howarth to the Labour Party is perhaps more a sign of the changing philosophies of the two political parties than a sign of the man’s own change in allegiance. The Conservatives left him rather than he left the Conservatives. Or Labour joined him, rather than he joined Labour.
Of course, the defection might also be partly put down to Mr Howarth realising that Labour appears to be the party more likely to be the party of power in the next decade. Politicians like to be in power, whether for the altruistic reason do good things for people or for selfish reasons. Often the vehicle to power is less important than power itself. Fore example, many people in positions of power in the communist regimes of the old Soviet Union and Eastern Europe re-emerged after the downfall of communism in other guises.
None the less, there appear to be strong policy reasons for Mr Howarth’s defection which reveal something of the state of British politics as a whole. The Conservatives have deserted some centrist policies that Mr Howarth held dear … Macmillan-style obligation to care and help the less fortunate. Conversely Labour has jettisoned policies he found objectionable. Earlier this year Labour rejected the public ownership of the means of production as a manifesto item … after it had been so for more than 70 years. Labour’s leader, Tony Blair, has taken the party to the centre. He will not reverse privatisations and he realises that the state is not the panacea of all social problems. None the less, he rejects the Thatcherite-Reagan approach that the market is the best solution.
John Major, on the other hand, has been forced to continue the Thatcher legacy if not the style. He holds a narrow majority and cannot afford to disaffect some significant economically “”dry” MPs with more centrist policies. Those “”dries”, coincidentally are often Euro-sceptics who have shown a willingness to rebel unless they get their way.
Mr Major also relies on the Ulster Unionists for his Commons majority. They are also socially conservative, though not doctrinaire “”dries”, and form part of Mr Major’s policy strait-jacket. Mr Major is wary of offending any part of his small majority lest be forced to a premature election which he would lose. So he cannot initiate significant policy change to increase his electoral support.
To his credit, Mr Blair has not misused the question of Europe or Northern Ireland. He does not need to. Mr Howarth’s defection shows there are plenty of other issues to do that with.
It shows a significant change in British party politics, similar to that in the late 1970s. Then Labour strayed too far left, allowing the Conservatives to catch the votes of the middle ground in the 1979 election, even if it did not have middle-ground policies. Saved for a long time by the Falklands war, an unrepresentative electoral system and a loony-left Labour Party, the Conservatives could hold power even with unpopular hard right policies. No more. Two of those elements have gone.
Mr Howarth’s defection is a mirror image of the defection the other way by Reg Prentice in 1977. His party moved left while he stayed in the centre. Two years later the party he defected to came to power.