1994_03_march_mine

The Native Title Act is only the first of 15 rounds in the Mabo saga, according to the retiring chief executive of the Australian Mining Industry Council, Lauchlan McIntosh.

The land-title position was possibly more uncertain now than it was before the Bill was passed. He warned that unless changes were made and complementary legislation passed by the states, investment would go to other countries.

“”Given there is no state with complementary legislation, and all titles are issued by the states, then there is a long way to go because some states are not issuing titles and others are being delayed,” he said. “It will be only six months before it really starts to burn.

“”And even Aboriginal people claiming native title will find the process very difficult, trying to deal with a state that has no complementary legislation. It’s just going to become messier and messier.”
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1994_03_march_mcintosh

Lauchlan McIntosh has seen in the workings of the Federal Government from near and far. And he sees too much regulation, duplication and ministerial lack of training.

“”Who trains the Minister?’ he asks.

“”Why do we need a Federal Department of Industry, or Education?”

“”How can we learn to trust ourselves not to be regulated?”

Mr McIntosh leaves the Mining Industry Council later this month to take up the chief executive’s position at the Australian Automobile Association. He has been with AMIC for eight years and before that managed mines in many parts of Australia: several years at Mount Newman, five years at Groote Island, two years at Yampi Sound and Southern Cross and several years in Melbourne.

“”There is a view in Australia, which is different in other countries, that if you can’t provide for yourself government will provide it. People believe government creates wealth. It doesn’t; it just redistributes wealth created by business.
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1994_03_march_matt

Matt Abraham says he will never live it down.

He was new at ABC Radio and was doing a pre-recording session in one of the studios at Northbourne Avenue. His daughter was there, too. Suddenly people starting appearing at the studios window, waving their arms about and pointing at various buttons on the console.

Abraham or his daughter had pressed some wrong buttons and he was being broadcast on Radio National Australia wide, telling his daughter not to touch those buttons and to play quietly.

As it happens, he need not have worried much 2CN far out-rates Radio national, so his audience wasn’t listened.
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1994_03_march_lindsay

Norman Lindsay would have enjoyed the recent tryst between the ABC and the Mardi Gras organisers on one hand and the conservative legislators and religious figures on the other.

Lindsay, lifelong artistic and literary combatant against wowserism, might have been saddened that the battle goes on, but he would surely have applied his wit to brawl.

The religion vs sex and art theme is the subject of a new film with Lindsay the centre. Art is played by Sam Neill (as Lindsay), Religion by Hugh Grant as the Reverend Anthony Campion and Sex by Elle MacPherson and three others as Lindsay’s models. The four (one is Lindsay’s wife) are modelling for a painting called Sirens, which is also the name of the film.

Sirens has just opened in New York and will open in Australia in late May or early June, though there will be a private screening at Parliament House on March 23.
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1994_03_march_leader30mar

The Victorian Premier, Jeff Kennett, wants to extend daylight saving from its present four months to just shy of six months _ from the first weekend in October to the last weekend in March. The main reason he has given is social _ the running of the grand prix and the various autumn festivals. The ACT has similar autumn festivals and it, too, would concur with Mr Kennett’s concerns.

Mr Fahey, on the other hand, has been unmoved by the social arguments. The only thing that has moved him from intractable support for the present four month-period has been a business argument. The Melbourne Stock Exchange would get an hour’s jump on Sydney for two months of the year.

Daylight saving was shortened to the present four months by NSW three years ago and the ACT, Victoria and South Australia felt they had to fall into line. Tasmania, girt by sea, stayed with the six months. Now Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania have called for a six-month and want NSW to follow.
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1994_03_march_leader29mar

On one hand, the former Treasurer, John Dawkins, told and Advance Bank Trends lunch that the transition to self-government in the ACT “”had been handled with aplomb”. On the other hand, the March edition of the Trends magazine itself (launched at the lunch) pointed to several areas of public spending in the ACT which were higher and less efficient than state counterparts. It said “”There is little evidence of any substantial progress in using the opportunity afforded by the separation [from the Commonwealth Public Service] to increase the productivity of the ACT public service.”

The Advance Bank is to be commended to its commitment to the free flow of ideas and comment, but the conflicting messages leave the average ACT voter somewhat confused.

Mr Dawkins said that some members of the Hawke Government were opposed to ACT self-government because they thought the ACT would never make the required decisive cuts to government spending. But he had thought the discipline could be imposed on the ACT to reduce spending without disruption to the delivery of services and that the ACT had done it with aplomb.
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1994_03_march_leader25mar

Chief Minister, Rosemary Follett, did the only sensible thing possible yesterday: order an inquiry into Vitab (under Professor Dennis Pearce). She said she did so to give the Liberals the opportunity to put up or shut up. The issue, however, goes wider than an exercise in political point-scoring. There are wider questions of public administration.

Briefly, the ACTTAB signed a contract with the Vanuatu-based Vitab. ACTTAB provided computer links and access to the super-pool of TAB funds from four states and two territories, about 5 billion a year so that bets taken by Vitab go into the pool and dividends come out of it.

Vitab pays between 1 and 2 per cent of turnover to ACT for this service.
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1994_03_march_leader19maa

Call this week by the New Zealand Prime Minister, Jim Bolger, for New Zealand to become a republic by 2000 has drawn far less heat than a similar call last year by his Australian counterpart, Paul Keating.

From this side of the Tasman, that might seem odd, considering the popular myth in Australia that New Zealand is more English than England and the manifestation of that in the clinging to the imperial honours system and appeals to the Privy Council — thing which have been discarded in Australia as anachronisms. Who would have predicted that the green and (to a minor extent) scepter’d isles of New Zealand might be a republic before Australia?

There are several reasons for the less heated response in New Zealand.

For a start, like a good All Black, Jim Bolger has positioned himself in a place where there is no-one to out-flank him. He is already out on the right wing. Anyone further to the right is off-field, is an old huffer and buffer not in the play. If the call for a republic comes from the leader of the conservative ranks, the natural monarchist constituency has been undermined. In Australia, however, the call came from midfield or slightly left of midfield. A swath of the paddock was left open for monarchists to come charging in.
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1994_03_march_leader17mar

It involves the ACT revenue and major issues of public administration which affect the whole ACT community, and to some extent the revenue base of nearly all Australian states and territories.

On Tuesday it was announced that the Victorian TAB was withdrawing its pooling arrangement with the ACT. Under that arrangement bets from the ACT, Victoria, South Australia, Western Australia, Tasmania and the Northern Territory are put in one pool, the super pool. Winning dividends are declared from the large pool. For every $100 bet on a race $85 is returned to the punters, and 15 per cent goes to state and territory governments, the racing industry and operating costs.

About $5 billion a year goes into the pool.
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1994_03_march_leader11mar

The major arguments raised against having a Bill of Rights in the Australian Constitution is that it would be handing over a legislative function to the unelected High Court. Unelected judges would be carving out new areas of law that properly belong in the elected legislature, the argument runs.

This is an essentially English view of the world; one in which Parliament is supreme. The American view is to have checks and balances between the three heads of power: the executive, the legislative and the judicial, so that the judges can interpret the limits imposed upon the Congress by the Constitution. And they are wide. They prohibit the Congress from abridging freedoms like speech, religion and assembly. The Australian constitutional lies between the two. Our Constitution provides some limited checks on Parliament’s power. One of them is that Parliament may not take away people’s property without paying just compensation.

This week the High Court brought down four judgments on this very point. They were difficult and complex cases involving many millions of dollars and perhaps the livelihood of many people.
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