2002_02_february_leader02feb bush

President Bush’s State of the Union address showed that perceptions and feelings are as important in politics and governance as reality. In Mr Bush’s own words, “”As we gather tonight, our nation is at war, our economy is in recession, and the civilised world faces unprecedented dangers. Yet the state of our union has never been stronger.”

It was an instructive juxtaposition. The very national state of affairs people fear most — recession and war – are apparently the reason that so many Americans feel good about their government. Mr Bush has an approval rating of more than 80 per cent. People feel unity of purpose in the face of a common external enemy. The creation or exaggeration of an external enemy have been tactics of leaders in the past to bolster their political support. Mr Bush is obviously gaining a great deal politically from the attacks on September 11 without having to do much.

Mr Bush pushed the insecurity as much as he could. He said the war – far from being over with the defeat of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan – was only beginning. He attempted to instil a state of indefinite fear by saying, “”Thousands of dangerous killers, schooled in the methods of murder, often supported by outlaw regimes, are now spread throughout the world like ticking time bombs – set to go off without warning.”
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2002_02_february_insurance

Jason Lettice was feeling a little ill.

Jason had been boozing (heavily) with his mates on a footpath on a bridge in Musellwellbrook. Suddenly, Jason felt he could hold his booze down no more. He announced to his friends that he was going to spew. He ran fast across the road to the footpath opposite and leaned over the rail. But instead of spewing he fell over the side and toppled 10 metres into a life of paraplegia in a wheelchair.

He sued the Musellwellbrook Shire and the State of NSW for all the usual things – negligence, not having a high enough rail, not protecting idiots against themselves and so on.
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2002_02_february_leader01feb mps perks

Former Workplace Relations Minister Peter Reith and former Health Minister Michael Wooldridge have done a great service to the community in using a loophole in the system to qualify for taxpayer-funded travel for life.

Their hypocrisy and exploitation of the quirk has so outraged the community that pressure might now grow to overhaul the whole system of MPs’ perks at great saving to the taxpayer and the restoration of a sense of proportion to MPs remuneration.

The existing rule is that to qualify for the Gold Pass of lifetime travel anywhere in Australia on business class with chauffeured Commonwealth cars to and from the airport you must serve 20 years as a member or six years as a minister or in the life of six Parliaments. Former Workplace Relations Minister Peter Reith and former Health Minister Michael Wooldridge did not qualify on those flat grounds. But another provision on calculating years of service states that every year served as Minister is counted as three years’ ordinary service.
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2002_02_february_insurance

Insurance pay-outs for public-liability claims in Australia fell by 21 per cent last financial year, according to the most recent Australian Prudential Regulation Authority figures.

The figures come as the insurance industry is pleading higher claims and litigation costs to justify huge increases in public-liability insurance premiums.

The authority issues detailed statistics each year, but does not do year-by-year comparisons itself.

The estimated cost of future public-liability claims fell by 17 per cent, and the number of outstanding claims at the end of the financial year fell by 20 per cent.
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2002_02_february_insurance news

Insurance pay-outs for public-liability claims in Australia fell by 21 per cent last financial year, according to the most recent Australian Prudential Regulation Authority figures.

The figures come as the insurance industry is pleading higher claims and litigation costs to justify huge increases in public-liability insurance premiums.

The authority issues detailed statistics each year, but does not do year-by-year comparisons itself.

The estimated cost of future public-liability claims fell by 17 per cent, and the number of outstanding claims at the end of the financial year fell by 20 per cent.
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2002_02_february_high court

The funeral in 1948 of Sir Isaac Isaacs, Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia and Governor-General, was attended by High Court judges Hayden Starke and George Rich. Rich had been appointed in 1913 at the age of 40 and here he was still on the High Court Bench at 85.

As Starke and Rich walked passed the open grave, Starke leaned over to Rich and said to him, “”George, are you sure it’s worth your while going home.”

As it happened, Rich continued on the bench till he was 87 and died a couple of years shy of his 100th birthday.
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2002_02_february_hare clark

Democracy is not so much in the voting, but in the counting of the votes.

That holds true not only for third world hell-holes where dictators steal the ballot papers, but also for western democracies where elections are overseen by impartial electoral officials.

The method of counting translates into how power is exercised and how democracy operates.
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2002_02_february_gg above everyone

The calls for the resignation of Governor-General Peter Hollingworth and his determination – backed by Prime Minister John Howard — to stay put reveal a great weakness in the Australian Constitution.

There is no defined mechanism for the removal of the Governor-General. The Governor-General’s tenure of office is one of the least defined in Australia. It is merely “”during the Queen’s pleasure”.

When Hollingworth said he had a five-year term with four and half years to serve, he was wrong. There is no term for a Governor-General.
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2002_02_february_forum sport

On the door of every commercial squash court in Canberra you will find a sign: “”Protective eye wear is compulsory for juniors and doubles and highly recommended for others”. But most people go on court without eyewear or mouth guards. They don’t like the fogging up, the restriction or the incapacity to talk. Or they don’t think it will happen to them. Therein lies the difficulty for society and the courts. It came to a head this week in the High Court over a case in which a man lost an eye playing indoor cricket. At one of the sports complexes where I play squash they also play indoor cricket. The ball is much harder than a squash ball with more players per square metre of playing surface. I think you would be a mug to play indoor cricket full-stop, certainly you should wear a helmet, but most seem to play without. And there’s the rub. How do you get people to look after themselves? To what extent should you protect people from their own stupidity, ignorance, bravado or calculated acceptance of a risk? And who should bear the loss? These questions do not have easy answers, and their implications have been running through the public-liability debate in recent weeks. The High Court divided – three judges (Gleeson, Hayne and Callinan) to two (McHugh and Kirby). Those who found against the injured player argued that the risk was obvious so there was no need to warn or provide helmets. Those who found for him cited injury statistics — $2.6 billion a year cost; 228,800 people with a sport or recreation-relation injury and an annual average of two indoor cricketers a year losing an eye. It was not reasonable to provide commercial indoor cricket at this cost when it could be prevented by the provision of helmets. But majority judge Ian Callinan countered that a cost-benefit analysis might reveal that the benefit of sport outweighs the cost of caring for people injured by sport, so using statistics was dangerous. The minority says make organisers pay damages for injury and they will improve safety for the betterment of all, but the judicial tide is turning for people to take care of themselves. But there is no guarantee of better safety either way. People do not look after themselves unless forced. Also, even with the threat of damages being awarded, sports providers and others who organise charity and community events can insure or just bear the risk without improving safety. At least until now when insurance has become too expensive. But one thing is for sure, at the fringe areas we do not go about deciding liability very well. The indoor cricket case took six years to resolve through the courts. The man has not only lost his eye, but lost god know how much in legal costs. If he had won, his damages were assessed at $127,000, but as is typical in our legal system the legal bills quickly outstrip the amount at stake. The judges or legislature would do a great service if they insisted on publication of the amount of costs. The lawyers for each side should be required to put in an estimate of costs after case is heard and before judgment is brought down and the amount should be published. The environment for the injured is not looking good. The judicial tide is turning; legal costs and delay seem intractable; the insurance industry seems determined to increase premiums to make up for past losses or to discourage little non-profit clients and the public hospital and welfare systems are tougher. Perhaps threatening the injured is a better way of improving safety than hitting the injurer with damages, and that in this poor environment for the injured, people will look after themselves better by behaving more safely and taking out their own insurance against catastrophe. If so, it is a pretty brutal way of going about it.
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2002_02_february_five big cases

The High Court’s influence on Australian society can be seen in five definitive cases.

The Engineers case in 1920 was a nation-defining moment. Hitherto Australia was a collection of sovereign ex-colonies called states which could not be meddled with by the national parliament. The case swept away the doctrines of intergovernmental immunities and reserved state powers. If the Constitution gave the national parliament a power (like industrial relations) the power could be interpreted as widely as the language allowed including binding the states.

The Bank Nationalisation case in 1948 saved Australia from the British and New Zealand experience of having industries nationalised. People and companies had a right to free interstate trade. The legal significance of the case was of less moment than its economic and societal significance.
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