Malcolm Booker diplomat dies after wife

Malcolm Booker who died on July 15, was an out-spoken voice of conscience and good sense in Australian foreign policy, a loving husband and father, and a gentle and kind man.

He was a diplomat and foreign-affairs officer for 35 years and for two decades until his death wrote a weekly foreign-affairs column for The Canberra Times which provoked the powerful, and gave a different perspective on foreign affairs to a wide range of readers.

Mr Booker was 82.

His wife, Roxana, who died after a long battle with cancer aged 71 was born and educated in Michigan. She died on July 15. After university she joined the US State Department and was posted to Manila, where the young Malcolm Booker had a two-year posting as first secretary from 1950 to 1952.

Daughter Emily described a friend of her mother saying: “”Malcolm saw her and that was it. He could not leave her side. And it was the same for her. It was beautiful — the little girl from Michigan met the man from Downunder and I remember their engagement party on the peak in Hong Kong.”

They shared the diplomatic world together, but were never taken in by its pomposities.

Mr Booker was Charge d’Affaires in Rangoon from 1952-53. Later he became a fierce advocate for Burmese democracy, even if it meant clashing with those in powerful positions in Australia who had truck with the military regime. He was Ambassador to Italy (1970-74) and to Yugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria (1974-76).

In Romania, one of his duties was to accompany Prime Minister Gough Whitlam during his visit. On a trip to the Black Sea he was obliged to swim out some distance with Gough, not for the exercise, but in order to give him a run-down on Romania away from the prying ears of Ceausescu’s electronic bugging devices.

On his return from Yugoslavia, he published The Last Domino. It argued against reliance on the American alliance because, among other things, America would not come to the assistance of Australia if that meant a nuclear attack on its cities.

He was strongly anti-nuclear (when it was not so fashionable) and argued for armed neutrality and a more independent, principled foreign policy for Australia. These were arguments he took up in his weekly column for The Canberra Times, along with other themes like expunging short-term national self-interest as the basis for policy. His stand often provoked the ire of both Australian and foreign politicians, diplomats, public servants and spokespeople for pressure groups, but earned the support of many ordinary readers.

He engaged his critics without animosity.

He had a memorable spat with Prime Minister Bob Hawke over the latter’s fulsome support of the US in the Iraq war, which Booker opposed with rigor and intelligence. Hawke referred to Booker as a “”tin-pot diplomat” and an “”irrelevancy”. Booker did not rise to the bait, rather saying: “”I saw him on the golf course the other day and he gave me a cheery wave,” and impishly pointing out that “”by his (Hawke’s) attacks he gave me a good media run that I would not have otherwise got with my anti-war sentiments.”

Despite the interaction with the politically powerful and glamorous world of diplomacy, for Malcolm and Roxana, each other, children and family came first. In his last message to his children, Malcolm quoted the words T. S. Eliot’s gave to Becket: “I am not in danger; only near to death.” He had told his children he would see Roxana through to the end. “”We can all tell ourselves that we did everything we could. I go now in peace to join her.”

1998_07_july_adam smith tax

What is a classic? Leaving aside the restrictive meaning that it must come out of ancient Greece and Rome, a classic is something of enduring relevance.

So much written in the past goes into what Mao referred to as “”the garbage can of history”, including his Little Red Book, it seems. But some works have enduring quality.

Oddly enough, several of them are in the field of economics, that mercurial subject in which professors can ask the same question every year by employing the expedient of merely changing the answer.
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1998_07_july_spectrum

This week the Government hopelessly undersold yet another public asset. It virtually gave away very valuable chunks of broadcast spectrum which it could have sold for perhaps several billion dollars. The extent of the loss was drowned out in the Hanson and Wik static.

The legislation passed this week.

For 40 years Australian television has been delivered by an analogue signal. Each analogue requires seven MHz of spectrum. This includes a bit of blank space either side of the signal to prevent interference. These have been referred to as channels. One TV signal per channel. Given the total bandwidth and the need to accommodate other signals like two-radio etc, there is limited room; enough for five TV stations.
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1998_07_july_snow falls creek

Athin orange line appears on the eastern horizon. In a short time the ghosts of the mountain can go to bed.

The temperature is minus I don’t know what. My right hand is freezing because I have taken the glove off to take photographs. To my right an enormous roar is generated by a large machine. It is putting an addictive white powder on to the ground. This is designer stuff, not the natural material. It will make a lot of money for the people in the trade.

But though addictive, this is a healthy trade. It is sport and fun. It is skiing.

In the past five years the sport and industry have been transformed by a combination of half a dozen factors not forseen in the late 1980s.
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1998_07_july_senate power

John Howard is finding the Senate too powerful, just as Gough Whitlam did in 1975.

At the weekend it rejected Howard’s Telstra Bill, even though the Bill contained a clause that it could not come into operation until after the next election, so if Howard won it would become law, otherwise it would lapse. As things stand even if Howard wins the next election, the Bill will not become law.

The question of Senate power has been dogging Australian politics for 25 years. It is now worse. With the rise of One Nation we will have minor parties on both the left and right, making a permanent majority impossible and the temporary majorities to secure legislation very difficult and probably dependent on silly deals.
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1998_07_july_sea native title

On Monday the Federal Court brought down its decision in the Croker Island case recognised native title rights over the sea and the sea-bed around Croker Island.

There were two elements to the decision which flew in the face of the usual approach of the courts in resolving disputes.

The first was the nature of the outcome. Typically, courts make black and white decisions (no pun intended). It is all or nothing. In this case the court ruled that the native title holders did not get everything. They got a right to traverse the sea and to take its fruits. But those rights were not exclusive. Existing rights under fishing licences under territory and Commonwealth legislation could still be exercised. The courts do not like these sorts of decisions. There reason is that if you give a little bit to each party, they inevitably fight about it and have to come back to the court. Far better, they used to think, to give one party everything so there is no return bout.
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1998_07_july_replace senators

The anti-Liberal Party stand by Western Australian Liberal Senator Ross Lightfoot on Wik is a bit rich, given that he is only in the Senate on his party’s sufferance.

Senator Lightfoot is an appointed senator. He replaces the late Senator John Pinazza.

The incident made me wonder how many other appointed senators there are.

I thought there might be one or two, to replace unfortuate cases of death or serious illness. In fact there are 16, more than a fifth of the Senate. Moreover, except in the one other case of the death of Olive Zakharov and I think one illness I can’t confirm, the reasons for the vacancies are all political or selfish. Both sides of politics play the game: 8 ALP, 7 Coaltion and 1 Democrat (who defected to the ALP). Every state and territory except the ACT is represented.
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1998_07_july_milk authority

We have heard a lot of emotional drivel and humbug about milk in Canberra the past few weeks.

Only 3 per cent of milk consumed in Canberra comes from the single ACT dairy. The other 97 per cent comes from NSW and Victoria.

The ACT Milk Authority skites that it produces the cheapest milk in Australia, the presumption (a wrong one) being that you need a regulated market to continue to deliver such a result.

How is it that the ACT Milk Authority with only one cute little dairy in Fyshwick can deliver among the cheapest milk in Australia?
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1998_07_july_leader28jul tax timing

The ghosts of 1993 still haunt John Howard. The then Liberal leader John Hewson laid out the fine detail of his economic policy months before the election. There was ample time for the then Labor leader Paul Keating to pick it to bits. John Howard does not want to make that mistake. Instead, it seems, he will make entirely new kinds of mistakes.

Kim Beazley is not a Paul Keating. Mr Howard is in Government, whereas Dr Hewson was in Opposition. The electorate is now more scared of hidden agendas than it is of an artificial scare campaign. In short, the events of 1993 should not direct the way this Government behaves. Yet they are.

Mr Howard has had more than a year to put his tax policy together. Yet the delay continues. Does he seriously imagine that all he needs to do is truncate the time between the release of the tax package and the election and the electorate will embrace it without scrutiny? Where has he been for the past 28 months? The electorate feels powerless in the face of change it is told it must have.
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1998_07_july_leader25jul afp report

The Federal Government’s failure to release the Ayers report into the Australian Federal Police to the public is inexcusable. Its failure to release it to the ACT Government is farcical. The exercise shows a complete contempt for the people of Australia in particular the people of the ACT who are so profoundly affected by the fate of AFP and contempt for police officers themselves. The last group is one that this government pretends to support. It shows a complete contempt for processes of good government.

The people of the ACT and the ACT Government have every right to assume bad faith on the part of the Federal Government and have every right to assume they have something to hide. This is cowardly way to do government.

The way to do government in a liberal-democratic society should be to be open and honest with those affected by government decisions. Voters should be given as much information as possible so that they can come to their own conclusions. If the people have the information, they will at least understand the decisions that flow from it. They will be more likely to be persuaded that the decision is the right one overall if they have the information. If they do not get the information, they just have to assume the worst: that the Government is trying to appease one or more special constituencies at the expense of the broad national good.
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