Month: October 1992

The Canberra Women’s Health Centre has applied for legal aid to pay for private lawyers for its defence against an allegation of sex discrimination brought last year, even though the ACT Government Solicitor was willing to represent the centre.

The bill could reach as much at $51,000.

This was revealed by documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act and subsequent inquiries.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_proud”

The Chief Minister of the Northern Territory, Marshall Perron, said yesterday that the size of the Senate should be halved.

If each state had six senators, instead of the present 12, it would make statehood for the Northern Territory easier to attain.

There was urgent need for constitutional change in the Northern Territory he said, but the question of representation in the Federal Parliament would be a stumbling block.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_perron”

Gladiator Keating stabs viciously with his short sword. Gladiator Hewson goads him with his trident waiting to throw the net into which Keating will fatally stumble.

It is Question Time. In the public gallery and in the loungerooms of the nation, the masses turn their thumbs down.

They are putting their thumbs down to politicians and politicking. But matters are more serious than that. We are watching the failure of Parliament to do its job. Parliament has two essential tasks: to provide a check on the Executive and to legislate. It is failing in both.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_parly”

The Federal Government was silly enough to introduce the ban on political ads on the telly, and now the High Court has over-turned it.

Bob Menzies’ Government was silly enough to introduce the ban on the Communist Party, and, in 1950, the High Court over-turned it.

Both were flagrantly anti-liberty laws, but there was a difference. Bob Menzies at least had the courage of his misguided conviction to say the High Court was wrong and the people should decide the issue at referendum. This Government would not be silly enough to do that.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_oped7”

Baby girls under the age of one year were more likely to be a homicide victim than any other age group of either sex, according to figures issued by the Australian Institute of Criminology yesterday.

Their victim rate was 4.8 per 100,000, compared with an Australian average of 2.1.

The figures are contained in Homicides in Australia, 1990-91 by Heather Strang. The study gave information on victims, offenders, their relationship and the incident causing the death.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_murder”

The Federal Government was silly enough to introduce the ban on political ads on the telly, and now the High Court has over-turned it.

Bob Menzies’ Government was silly enough to introduce the ban on the Communist Party, and, in 1950, the High Court over-turned it.

Both were flagrantly anti-liberty laws, but there was a difference. Bob Menzies at least had the courage of his misguided conviction to say the High Court was wrong and the people should decide the issue at referendum. This Government would not be silly enough to do that.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_oped7”

The Administrator of the Northern Territory, Justice James Muirhead, said yesterday that Australia “”desperately needs a change of attitudes” on Aboriginal reconciliation.

He called for an end to political point-scoring and for more dialogue and less “”debate by press release”.

He was opening a conference on “”Constitutional Changes in the 1990s” held by the Legislative Assembly of the Northern Territory.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_muir”

Aborigines in 1788 were too primitive to negotiate a treaty and therefore all land in Australia became Crown land by proclamation and occupation, according to the managing director of Western Mining, Hugh Morgan.

Mr Morgan said yesterday that the High Court’s decision giving indigenous title in the Mabo case earlier this year had over-turned settled, established and widely understood law on property.

Mr Morgan said the question of land law had to be looked at from the perspective of international law at the time.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_mabo”

Hugh Morgan hurried out of the ANU Arts Centre last week, into a white limousine and off. He had time to say with his disarming smile that he did not think his comments about Aboriginal land rights would be well received.

Morgan, who is managing director of Western Mining, had just delivered the Joe and Enid Lyons lecture. His theme was that the High Court’s üMabo@ decision earlier this year recognising native title to land was wrong. Aborigines in 1770 were too primitive to negotiate a treaty, therefore as the law stood in the 18th century Australia was terra nullius (vacant land there for the taking by proclamation and settlement).

He said that because of the decision the High Court had thrown the whole of Australian land law into disarray. Expensive lawyers were giving various opinions and the mining industry, among others, was in a state of uncertainty.

He admitted in the speech it was not popular stuff. In the short time afterwards for questions, he attracted angry comments from two Aboriginal questioners. In the next parliamentary sitting he attracted further anger from the Prime Minister.

Now let’s go to Darwin. The director of the Northern Land Council, Mick Dodson, said his council had received instructions from the traditional owners of the Nabalco bauxite mine on Gove peninsula to press a claim in the High Court.

Earlier at a conference in Darwin Charlie Perkins called for sovereignty and national land rights now. And then we have Michael Mansell calling for a separate Aboriginal state.These are the extreme views, but they are valuable because they define the ground.

Mabo was decided in June. It is still drawing vigorous debate four months later. That says something about its force, and its complexity.

Essentially, the case said that the common law recognised indigenous title to land. That title was not extinguished by Captain Cook claiming the land for the Crown. But it was extinguished if the Crown (or state or Federal Parliament) granted title to someone else or if the indigenous people had died out or ceased to observe customs that connected them with the land.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_mabo1”

Canada’s political leaders got a severe rebuff this/last week when six out of 10 provinces and an overall majority rejected the referendum on constitutional reform. It was the second rebuff in 2 years. The Meech Lake Accord was rejected in 1990. It required the 10 provincial parliaments to agree. The Charlottetown agreement required the people of each province to agree and later to be ratified by all parliaments. The heart of the issue was the position of Quebec in the Canadian federation.

Quebeckers have felt for more than a century that they have had a raw deal: under-represented in the Federal Parliament, francophone culture at threat, discriminated on grounds of language, economically disadvantaged. In the 1970s it flared in violence with kidnappings and other terrorist acts, spearheaded by the Front for the Liberation of Quebec. Fortunately, violence has been put aside as a means for Quebeckers to attain their aspirations. Further, many of those aspirations have been met. No-one can seriously say that francophone culture is under systemic threat from Canadian authorities. True, it is under the general threat from the onslaught of American “”culture” in the form of television and economic domination. However, to the extent it is true it is also true of Australia or anywhere else.

French has received official recognition. If anything, the pendulum has swung to far the other way. Inappropriate official bilingualism is the imposed policy in the western provinces where virtually no-one speaks French. Further, Quebec’s economic fortunes in relation to the rest of Canada no longer have the disparity of past decades.
Continue reading “1992_10_october_leader31”