Crispin Hull

The Governor of Queensland is in a different position from the Governor of other states and the Governor-General.In 1977 the Bjelke-Petersen Government (with its large majority in a single-House Parliament) put through an amendment to the Constitution Act which spelt out some elements of the exercise of the Governor’s reserve powers. In other states and the Commonwealth, the Governor relies purely on convention.

The general convention is that the Governor follows the advice of the Premier. (In this analysis Governor includes Governor-General and Premier includes Prime Minister and Chief Minister.)

There are four situations where the Governor ceases to be merely an opener of fetes and has to act as umpire of the political game:

1. When a Premier seeks an early election.

2. When a Premier is defeated on the floor of the House in a vote of no-confidence.

3. When two Houses of Parliament are in deadlock and the Government cannot get its money Bills through.

4. When an election is indecisive.
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Paul Keating, both as Treasurer and Prime Minister, has prided himself on being across the economic debate and capable of addressing Australia’s economic problems. For a long time he carried credibility among opinion leaders and respect (if begrudging) from the public. Over a decade, the credibility and respect have eroded as Mr Keating’s name was associated with the banana republic, the J curve, bringing home the bacon, effervescence, the big canvas, the economic levers, the soft landing, the recession we had to have, and now sustainable economic growth.

In that decade Mr Keating derided the commentators as they began to see it differently from him. And now he is impatient with the masses for not seeing the economy in the same light as he does. That was revealed on the John Laws talk-back radio program _ one of the largest mass audiences in the country.
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The Chief Justice, Sir Gerard Brennan issued a warning this week about the state of the rule of law in Australia. He lamented that many lawyers were not taking up judicial appointment or were postponing it for a long time. It was resulting in a short supply of competent judges. The judge did not say it directly, but he must be aware of the reason: lawyers are receiving too much money. Many barristers and solicitors after a fairly short time in the profession are earning more than the chief justice himself.

For many the judiciary offer a pension and prestige but not more money or more interesting work. It offers an opportunity for public service but that comes at the cost of greater personal social isolation.
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The licensed clubs in the ACT are alarmed about the prospect of poker machines being allowed in the Canberra Casino. The casino is the only on in Australia not to have them, but that is not a conclusive argument. Each place has its own characteristics which must be considered.

The central difficulty for the clubs is that a large part of their income is derived from poker machines; they have become almost dependent upon them. In effect they have become dependent upon a statutory monopoly. It is a dangerous base for any economic activity because it is be can be taken away. It is beyond the control of the business. Other businesses are in the same situation _ taxis, for example, and to a lesser extent the suburban service station in Canberra which got a monopolies through planning laws.
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The latest pay deal for Senior Executive Service (SES) officers appears to be yet another step away from a public-service culture (in the best sense of the words). Under the deal, secretaries of Commonwealth departments have been handed very large discretionary power over what SES officers are paid. The arrangement was made with the concurrence of the Community and Public Sector Union, which is surprising.

According to a union bulletin, all public servants will get 5.6 per cent over 18 months. All SES officers will get an additional 2 per cent.

SES officers will get a further 4.6 per cent individually unless the Secretary decides to the contrary. The upper end of each band will be lifted 6.3 per cent, but the increase will not apply to individuals unless the Secretary agrees.
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The dismal showing of Japan’s Socialist Prime Minster, Tomiichi Murayama, at the weekend’s Upper House election brings into question his ability to continue in office, though he has vowed to make his way through what he said were “rough seas”.

Mr Murayama heads a bizarre coalition with the conservative Liberal-Democrat Party to form a majority in the Lower House. The coalition was always one of convenience and necessity rather than of any sense of pursuing a cohesive policy direction.

Half of the Upper House’s 252 seats were up for re-election. Of the 126 seats the coalition got 65, but the Socialists scored only a fairly dismal 16 of those, down from 41 three years ago. The Liberal-Democratic Party got 46 up from 33 last time.
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Opposition Leader John Howard’s assertion that the people of Australia have loss faith the government carries some weight. Governments have got into the habit of dressing up an otherwise depressing picture in an attempt to make things look rosy. Voters are now getting wise to it. Unlike the boy who cries wolf, the politicians are crying nirvana.

Though the assertion came from Mr Howard, there is no guarantee that his side will be any different if it is ever in power for a long period. It seems to be the nature of modern communications that media manipulation and image creation goes hand-in-hand with politics.

The only way to improve things is if Oppositions before elections promise and if elected early in their term put into effect measures to ensure that accurate information about government conduct is available to the people.
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The falling trend in the road toll from the early nineties to the beginning of this year is now at an end. The figures for the first half of this year are higher than for the same time last year. Any self-congratulation about better and more temperate driving appears to be misplaced. It may be that the falling toll had more to do with lower road usage because of the recession; better medical treatment; tougher police action and better cars and roads than better driving.

There are no easy solutions. The aim of reducing the road toll has to be fought on many fronts. Changing driver behaviour is, of course, the most significant way to prevent road trauma. That can be done through both education and force.

This week the NRMA called for a reduction in the speed limit in residential areas from 60km/h to 50km/h. It said a survey in the ACT and NSW showed that about three-quarters of motorists agreed, provided it did not affect arterial roads in the city. The manager of traffic engineering for the NRMA, Andrew Macky, said. “It reinforces the position the NRMA has long held: that speed limits should be more flexible and set according to local conditions.”
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Western leaders, and indeed, the world in general might be relieved if Russian President Boris Yeltsin finds that his health does not permit him to return to office and that instead he retires to a long and pleasant retirement on the Black Sea.

Though the world is rightly grateful for Mr Yeltsin’s role in the overthrow of the communist regime; and the stubborn but effective resistance tot he 1991 communist coup attempt; and the installation of at least some rudimentary elements of democracy in Russia, he has passed his used-by date. On many occasions he has proved erratic and mendacious. Even with respect to his health he has attempted to give the Russian people a misleading picture, playing down the seriousness of his condition. At first he said it was a blood-supply problem, on later acknowledging it was a heart attack. Last week, the Kremlin issued a photograph purporting to be taken at the hospital but apparently taken three months ago while he was on holiday. The 64-year-old president now says he will be in hospital some time.
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Opposition Leader John Howard’s “”headland” speech identifies why Australia is in an economic bind. The nation was rightly opened up to international competition with deregulation of the financial and foreign-currency markets and the reduction in tariffs. However, without extensive reform in Australia, Australian industry would be left behind. There was some reform, but not enough. The major stumbling block was reform of the labour market. Mr Howard said yesterday that this was because the Keating Government was bound to look after its mates in the official positions in unions. It meant not only a failure to reform industrial relations but also a failure to reform critical parts of the transport system and public-sector utilities where unions were strong.

Mr Howard rightly points out that continued tariff reform which benefits consumers with cheaper prices cannot go ahead without commensurate reform in the labour market and transport system, otherwise the foreign debt would blow out further.
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